At the 2026 NPT Review Conference (27 April - 22 May), States parties will examine the implementation of the Treaty's provisions since 2022, noting that, despite intensive consultations, the 2015 Review Conference and the 2022 Review Conference were not able to reach agreement on the substantive part of the draft Final Document.
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Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. President, Brazil associates itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the New Agenda Coalition. We congratulate you, Ambassador Viet, and the members of the Bureau on your election. Thank you for all the efforts made during the preparatory process to the twenty twenty six NPT Review Conference. You can count on our full support. Mr. President, the disarmament and non proliferation regime is under unprecedented strain. We now live in a context marked by the absence of arms control agreements and increasing tensions and mistrust. Despite their obligations and commitments under the NPT, nuclear weapon states continue to expand and modernize their arsenals and to increase their strategic reliance on nuclear weapons, thereby intensifying proliferation pressures worldwide. Brazil has long advocated the full and balanced implementation of the three pillars of the NPT. While we recognize the treaty's relative success in non-proliferation, we remain concerned that the disarmament pillar is often portrayed as an aspiration rather than a legally binding obligation. We also deplore the blatant disregard for the political commitments that made possible the indefinite extension of the NPT in 1995. The regime has reached a critical point of imbalance and selectivity that we must address and reverse. Member States should view this review conference as a unique opportunity to assess the implementation of the treaty and to consider forward looking approaches to strengthening the regime. We must address implementation gaps and reduce the asymmetry between nuclear and non nuclear weapon states. We must reaffirm the commitments adopted at previous review conferences. Particularly in 2000 and 2010. Mr. President, Brazil consistently has consistently upheld the view that nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation, and nuclear energy for peaceful purposes are central to international peace and security. Despite intense domestic debates around our accession to the NPT in 1998, we concluded that the treaty is fully consistent with the Brazilian Constitution and with our obligations under the Treaty of Tlatelolco. We also recognize that it offered a viable way towards the goal of the total elimination of nuclear weapons. Brazil took a political decision not to seek nuclear weapons, and we stand by that decision. The possession of weapons of mass destruction will not enhance our security, nor do we believe that linking our security to extended deterrence arrangements would make us safer. In return, we expect that nuclear weapons will not be used as an instrument of blackmail or coercion. We are often told that the current international situation is not conducive to disarmament. In response, we argue that crucial political decisions have the power to shape and reshape geopolitical realities. There is no geopolitical determinism or a perfect political context. In 1962, Latin America and the Caribbean stood at the epicenter of the most serious nuclear crisis of the Cold War. At that moment, the region might well have been drawn into the abyss of nuclear competition. Instead, it chose to establish the first nuclear weapon free zone in a densely populated region, demonstrating that security can be strengthened through restraint. Other regions, particularly the Middle East, might already have been benefited from such security had the 1995 resolution on this subject been implemented. Mr. President, we are proud to celebrate in 2026 the 31st, the 35th anniversary of the Brazilian Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials, the ABAC. This exemplary bilateral verification and safeguards arrangement, operating in cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency, has fostered an environment of complete transparency and mutual trust that allowed Argentina and Brazil to safely develop their respective nuclear programs for peaceful purposes. Brazil believes that the core goal of this conference should be to rebuild trust and reverse actions that undermine the credibility of the disarmament and non proliferation regime. We must engage in serious discussions about reducing nuclear risk and verifying nuclear disarmament, advance transparency and accountability, reaffirm the inalienable right of countries to pursue nuclear programs for peaceful purposes without discrimination, reject any attack or threat of attack against nuclear facilities, and the illegal use of force as an alleged means of enforcing non proliferation. Ultimately, we must take action to protect and implement our collective undertakings. Brazil reaffirms its support to this process and hopes that Member States will act to safeguard the credibility of a regime from which we have all benefited. Thank you.
Master President, Your Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, allow me to congratulate you, Master President, on your election and assure you of our support and cooperation throughout the conference. Namibia aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the African group and the non aligned movement. We offer the following remarks in our national capacity. The developments and the trajectory of events we are witnessing around the world. Are a cause of grave concern. Conflicts across multiple regions, rising military expenditures, and the erosion of longstanding arms control arrangements have placed unprecedented strain on the global non proliferation regime. Nuclear risks are rising, and the credibility of the NPT grants bargain is being tested. This state of affairs is further compounded. By the lack of progress on nuclear disarmament, the continued possession and modernization of nuclear arsenals, an expansion and deterrence doctrines, the development of the new delivery systems, and the weakening of key verification and transparency mechanisms undermine the commitments undertaken under Article 6 of the NPT, increasing risks for all regions, particularly for non Nuclear weapon states, which continue to await the long overdue provision of legally binding and unconditional negative security arrangements by nuclear weapon states. These trends run counter to the spirit of letter of the treaty. Namibia reiterates that the only guarantee against the use of threat of use of nuclear weapons is their complete irreversible. And verifiable elimination. Through the PAC for the future, we, the international community, recommitted ourselves to advancing the goal of the world free of nuclear weapons. We therefore call on nuclear weapon states to demonstrate renewed political will, fulfill their nuclear proliferation, non proliferation, and disarmament obligations, rebuild trust, and take concrete steps. To reduce nuclear risks. The world cannot be asked to accept a permanent nuclear hierarchy. Master President, Namibia reaffirms its strong commitment to the non-proliferation PIRA. We continue to implement our safeguards obligations in close cooperation with the IAEA, whose impartial and technical mandate remains indispensable. It is essential to all states. To comply fully with their safeguards agreements and refrain from actions that could further destabilize regional or global security. We underscore that non proliferation must not be pursued selectively. The credibility of the regime depends on consistent, non discriminatory application of its rules. In the context Of a rapid accelerating energy transition that risks leaving developing countries behind. Namibia places highest strategic value on the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, which remains the linchpin of the treaty's foundational bargain. Namibia remains fully committed to maintaining the highest level of safeguards on our nuclear material and related technologies. As one of the world's largest producers of uranium, And a country with growing energy needs, Namibia views nuclear science and technology as essential tools for its sustainable development, from powering industry, strengthening agriculture, improving public health, supporting water management, and building climate resilience. We emphasize that access to peaceful nuclear technology must remain unhindered and affordable. Namibia also occupies a unique position in the global nuclear value chain, being one of the largest producers of uranium in Africa. Our abundant natural resource powers reactors across the continent, contributing to energy security, climate mitigation, and technology advancement. Yet, the benefits and the structure of the global nuclear market continue to consign uranium producing developing countries. To a lowest rank of the value chain. The MPT's promise of peaceful uses must translate into real opportunities for uranium producing developing countries, including support for value addition and beneficiation, fuel cycle development, and the strengthening of national regulatory and safety capacities. The current asymmetries in technology. Access, financing, and industrial capabilities undermine both development and global security. Namibia has plans for its own nuclear power generation and therefore calls for a more equitable and transparent global nuclear economy, one that recognizes the legitimate aspirations of uranium producing states, to move beyond raw material export, and to benefit. From the advancements of their resources. Master President, Africa, like many other regions, has made a clear and irreversible choice. Our continent rejects the stationing and testing of nuclear explosive devices on its soil. The Pelindaba Treaty, to which Namibia affirms its steadfast commitment, establishes Africa as a nuclear weapon free zone. And remains one of the most comprehensive and forward-looking regional instruments of its kind. Namibia underscores that the treaty is a binding expression of Africa's commitment to global peace, regional stability, and the total elimination of nuclear weapons. We therefore urge all states that have not yet done so to ratify the treaty's protocols without reservations that may weaken its intent. Or its objectives. Full adherence to the Pelindaba Treaty strengthens the global non-proliferation architecture and demonstrates that the entire regions can choose collectively security without nuclear weapons. We also stress that the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, as mandated by the 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference resolution remains a long standing priority. Of the international community. Progress on this front is essential for regional and global security, and we call for the convening of a conference to negotiate the establishment of the zone. Mr. President, Namibia firmly believes that the CTBT is an essential and irreplaceable instrument for preventing. The qualitative and quantitative development of nuclear weapons. CTBT remains one of the most urgent, unfinished tasks before the international community. Until it enters into force, the world will continue to live with unacceptable risks of the resumption of nuclear testing, a step that would reverse decades of progress. And further destabilize an already fragile global security environment. Namibia calls on all annexed two states that have not yet ratified the treaty to do so without delay. Universalization and the entry into force of the CTBT would close the door for nuclear testing once and for all and reinforce the credibility of the NPT disarmament pillar. The NPT has served humanity for more than five decades. But its future cannot be taken for granted. At this review conference, we must reaffirm the Treaty's integrity, strengthen its core principles, restore confidence in a balanced implementation across all three pillars. Namibia stands ready to work constructively with all delegations and to ensure. That this conference delivers a substantive outcome, and that the NPT continues to serve as a foundation for international peace, security, and sustainable development for our children, youth, and future generations. I thank you, Master President.
Mr. President, I congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency. You can count on South Africa's support as you steer this 2026 NPT Review Conference. My delegation aligns with the statements delivered by the African group, the non aligned movement, and the new agenda coalition. The current fraught geopolitical context places ahead of us several challenges that exacerbate the uncertainty surrounding the future of disarmament and the non proliferation regime. Worrisome is that the global norm against nuclear testing is being challenged. All of this coupled with doubling down on nuclear weapons in national security doctrines and policies by nuclear weapon states and some non nuclear weapon states is heightening nuclear risks. We reiterate the significant role of the CTPT in strengthening the norm against nuclear testing. In this context, we call for the ratification of the CTPT by the annexed two states without delay or preconditions. The enduring value of the treaty as a major component of the global disarmament and non proliferation architecture needs to stand out through the NPT, who have shown determination to avoid the existential threat posed by nuclear weapons to humanity. Whilst also using it for the betterment of humanity through the peaceful uses of nuclear technology. Concerningly, the lack of implementation of agreed obligations and commitments, especially on the disarmament pillar, and the threats posed to the disarmament and non proliferation regime, are evolving. This has the possibility of destroying confidence in the grand bargain between nuclear weapon states and non nuclear weapon states. The modernization programs, security policy postures, and increases in the role of nuclear weapons in security doctrines of nuclear weapon states reverses any possible gains in the reduction in the number of nuclear weapons and contradicts the commitment to good faith negotiations on nuclear disarmament. These risks create the conditions for vertical and horizontal proliferation. Nuclear weapon states bear a special responsibility to reduce the risks associated with nuclear weapons. However, it must be emphasized that non nuclear weapon states that maintain a role for nuclear weapons in their military adoptions should also be accountable through risk reduction or transparency initiatives. The global population refuses to be held hostage to the unspeakable terror of nuclear weapons. It is for this reason that the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, the TPNW, is the democratic wish of the majority of UN member states and the people of the world and complements the NPT by providing a legal pathway towards the implementation of Article 6, achieving a world free of nuclear weapons. Emerging non proliferation challenges remain a concern. Moreover, developments related to new modalities regarding nuclear sharing are being seen as incompatible with nuclear and with NPT obligations. These have the potential to divide states parties and potentially act as a destabilizing factor which could obstruct nuclear disarmament and fuel an arms race. Mr. President, it is South Africa's principal position that the obligation of states parties to accept safeguards as required under Article 3 of the treaty is sacrosanct. South Africa strongly supports the principle of the inviolability of peaceful nuclear facilities, and notes with particular concern the implications for nuclear safety, security, and safeguards implementation arising from attacks on nuclear facilities. This has serious implications for the international non proliferation regime and for the NPT, let alone international peace and security. It would be important for this conference to unite behind a clear and ambiguous norm against attacks on peaceful nuclear facilities. South Africa endorses the reflection of the conference on the leading role of the International Atomic Energy Agency in promoting the benefits of nuclear energy, including through its technical cooperation program, as well as its efforts to enhance nuclear safety and security and strengthen the safeguards regime. South Africa supports the inalienable right of nations to pursue the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. One of the key reasons for the existence of the IAEA is to assist member states to reap the benefits of nuclear technology. All humanity should be able to utilize the technology for socioeconomic development in support of the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. South Africa attaches great importance to the IEA's technical cooperation program, which contributes towards addressing the socioeconomic needs and sustainable development goals of all member states, especially developing countries. In conclusion, Mr. President, with the close of this 11th review cycle, we have an opportunity to translate words into concrete actions. We must be ambitious and agree on actions for the next review cycle that are aligned with the treaty's objectives. If we can build common ground in these areas, we will be well placed for a positive outcome from this review conference. This, however, requires fresh thinking, flexibility, and resolve to achieve the NPT's promise from all of us. I thank you, Mr. President.
Mr. President, at the outset, let me congratulate you as the President of the Eleventh Review Conference of the Parties to the NPT. Bangladesh is honored to serve as one of the vice presidents of this conference. We are hopeful that under your leadership, the conference will advance global disarmament and non proliferation agenda. Mr. President, while aligning with the statement delivered by Uganda on behalf of non aligned state parties to the NPT, We from Bangladesh would like to add a few points in our national capacity. Even after 80 years of formation of the United Nations, an effective global disarmament architecture is still a far cry. In the midst of multiple challenges of present times, nuclear proliferation not only poses a significant threat to the international peace and security, but also adversely affects global development and growth initiatives. With a strong conviction and commitment, as enshrined in our constitution, we have been advocating for both nuclear and conventional disarmament from the early days of our independence. Despite being situated in a nuclear armed region, we have chosen to remain non nuclear. As one of the first South Asian countries, we ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and the Treaty on Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. We call upon member states towards their universalization. Mr. President, the only absolute guarantee against the use of nuclear weapons is their complete elimination. Allow me to highlight some specific points in this regard. First, in a world plugged with rising geopolitical tensions, expanding arms sales, increased military spending, and the weakening of nuclear arms and arms control architecture. We consider NPT as the cornerstone of global non-proliferation regime and the foundation for nuclear disarmament. It is high time for the nuclear weapon states to make a prudent approach to fulfill their long overdue obligation under Article 6 of the Treaty in good faith. We urge them to comply with the undertakings of 2010 Action Plan on Disarmament of Nuclear Weapons. Second, Bangladesh supports the effective implementation of all the three pillars of the NPT and views the peaceful use of nuclear weapons as a component of diversified and sustainable energy mix. Implementation of Article 4 of NPT to develop, research, produce, and use nuclear energy is a call of the time. We call for greater investment and international cooperation in nuclear research. We believe that IAEA safeguards and verification regimes are pivotal in this regard. Third, a dense cloud of nuclear insecurity surrounds us, as evident from the security strategies and doctrines of hateful states, handful states. We urge nuclear weapon states to provide non nuclear states with effective and unconditional security assurances against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. And finally, Bangladesh supports regional work frameworks established in the pursuit of nuclear disarmament and calls for establishment of nuclear weapon free zones. We also urge the states to contribute constructively to the commencement of negotiations of FMCT. Mr. President, in this review conference, we have an opportunity ahead of us to renew dialogue, rebuild trust, and work collectively towards a balanced outcome. It is all about seizing this opportunity to make a better world free from even any threat of nuclear weapons. I thank you, Mr. President.
Mr. President, Kenya congratulates you and the members of the Bureau on your election to preside over this year's review conference and assures you of our full support and constructive engagement. My delegation aligns itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the African group and the Nonaligned Movement. I will now make the following remarks in my national capacity. Nuclear weapons continue to have devastating effects on humanity. Biodiversity, as well as the environment. As much as nuclear security assurances remain an important tool of nuclear diplomacy, they point to intent and are never guarantees. The continued existence of nuclear weapons remains an existential threat to humanity, particularly in the current global security environment that's marked by rising geopolitical tensions. Increasing military expenditures, and the continued investment in modernization of nuclear arsenals. In this regard, Kenya reaffirms that the total elimination of nuclear weapons is the only absolute guarantee against the use of or threat of use of nuclear weapons. Their very existence is an outright challenge to global norms. And treaties of mass destruction and undermines the disarmament and non-proliferation architecture. We call upon nuclear weapon states to implement their obligations under Article 6 of the treaty and to demonstrate tangible progress towards nuclear disarmament. Commitments such as in the negative assurances must be translated into concrete time bound actions. Mr. President, A world in which powerful nations cast aside international law in favor of brute force undermines the very system that safeguards smaller and less powerful states in Africa and around the world. Kenya expresses concern over the rapid advancement and militarization of emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence and autonomous weapons systems. While these technologies hold promise for development, their application in warfare raises profound ethical, legal, and security challenges. Without rules based multilateralism, the deployment of peaceful uses of nuclear technologies, such as for electricity generation, shall be derailed. We therefore call for inclusive, transparent, and multilateral dialogue to ensure that such technologies Are governed responsibly, in accordance with international law, and contribute to peace rather than conflict. As a state party to the Pelindaba Treaty, Kenya affirms the importance of nuclear weapon free zones to regional and global security and welcomes the establishment of nuclear weapon free zones in all regions, including the Middle East, to reduce tensions and promote lasting stability. Mr. President, Kenya affirms the inalienable right of all states to engage in research and development of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes in line with Article four. The pursuit of developing nuclear technology must, however, remain within the framework, protocol, and safeguard system of the International Atomic Energy. Agency. Guided by the IAEA milestone approach, Kenya is harnessing nuclear energy as part of a diversified low carbon energy mix for sustainable development. The construction of our power plant is set to commence in 2027 and grid connection expected by 2034. We commend and welcome the important role of the IAEA in their support and cooperation. In maximizing the potential of science and technology for socioeconomic development. Kenya reiterates the call for a robust framework of international cooperation and support centered on enhanced technology transfer, particularly for advanced reactor designs and capacity building through regional centers of excellence as well as sustainable, predictable financing for IAEA technical programs. to support newcomer countries. In conclusion, Mr. President, Kenya urges all state parties to work together towards a bold, practical and consensual outcome at this review conference. I thank you.
Excellency. Thank you, Mr. President. Denmark aligns itself with the statement of the Nordic countries, the European Union, and the Vienna Group of ten countries. We congratulate you on your appointment and assure you of our full support. We reiterate our steadfast support for the NPT, which is of invaluable importance to global security, a bulwark against proliferation of nuclear weapons, and the only credible path to nuclear disarmament. Mr. President, Denmark is committed to the goal of a world without nuclear weapons and seeks to create the necessary security environment for this goal to be achieved. Steps towards this goal could include risk reduction, increased transparency, and nuclear disarmament verification. However, as long as nuclear weapons exist, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization will remain a nuclear alliance. The purpose of NATO remains to preserve peace, prevent coercion, and deter aggression. NATO's extended deterrence arrangements provided this incentive to acquire nuclear weapons by protecting non nuclear weapon states from nuclear aggressors, thereby contributing to the non proliferation objectives of the NPT. We commend the important and balanced recent speech of the French President on nuclear deterrence and underline that Denmark's cooperation on nuclear deterrence is fully in line with our NPT obligations. We fully support efforts to promote the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and call on the remaining Annex II states to ratify the treaty. We urge Russia to reverse its decision, to withdraw its ratification, and, in the meantime, continue to act in accordance with the letter and spirit of the CTBT and to adhere to the moratorium on nuclear tests. We also support a treaty banning the production of fissile materials for use in nuclear weapons and other explosive devices. Until then, we call on all All State concerns to declare and uphold an immediate moratorium on the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons. Mr. President, Russia's invasion of Ukraine has gravely undermined global security and effective multilateralism. Russia's irresponsible nuclear rhetoric and development of new nuclear capabilities, its decision to deploy nuclear weapons in Belarus and its seizure of Ukraine's Saboricha nuclear power plant all add to the dangers created by this illegal attack. We are also deeply concerned by China's massive and opaque expansion of its nuclear arsenal, which runs counter to the obligations in Article six, ambiguity about its first, its declared no first use doctrine, and its unwillingness to engage in armed control. Mr. President, the world faces serious nuclear proliferation challenges. The DPRK continues to develop its unlawful nuclear and ballistic missile programs in violation of multiple Security Council resolutions. And we once again reiterate that Iran must never be allowed to develop or acquire a nuclear weapon. We underline our solid support for the IAEA, including its safeguards system, which prevents and detects nuclear proliferation. In the same vein, we stress our support for multilateral export control regimes, especially the Nuclear Suppliers Group and the Sanger Committee, which is chaired by Denmark. They create transparency and a level playing field, enabling states to implement both their nuclear non proliferation and peaceful uses obligations. Mr. President, simply put, the world is more secure thanks to the NPT, and we stand ready to pursue every effort to strengthen the treaty. I thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. My delegation congratulates you on your assumption of the presidency of the 11th Review Conference. Sri Lanka assures you of our fullest support and cooperation. Sri Lanka aligns itself with the statement delivered on behalf of the non aligned movement. Mr. Chair, the importance of this treaty has never been felt as of now. Two consecutive Review conferences have failed to produce a consensus outcome. Which is unprecedented since the treaty's indefinite extension in 1995. The expiry of the New START treaty in February this year has left us without any bilateral strategic arms control instrument between the two largest nuclear armed states. Nuclear arsenals are being modernized, doctrines expanded, and the dangerous possibility of resumed nuclear testing has entered the public discourse. We are living through a dangerous moment for humanity. Mr. Chair, as an island nation at the crossroads of the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka is acutely aware of the risks posed by the growing nuclearization of our maritime neighborhood. For small states that contribute nothing to the nuclear threat, yet bear its consequences disproportionately, the case for disarmament is of utmost importance. Sri Lanka's commitment to nuclear disarmament is long standing. In 1964, Prime Minister Srimavo Bandana Naika championed deneutralized zones at the Non-Aligned Summit in Cairo. In 1971, Sri Lanka brought the proposal for an Indian Ocean zone of peace to the General Assembly. Ambassador Jayanta Danapala, as president of the 1995 Review and Extension Conference, secured the treaty's indefinite extension on the understanding that it would accelerate the path to elimination of nuclear weapons. It is with this national outlook that Sri Lanka acceded to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in 2023, becoming the 69th State Party following our ratification of the comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty earlier that year. These were tangible acts of policy based on our belief that the TPNW complements the NPT. We encourage all states to consider joining this important instrument. Sri Lanka is deeply alarmed by recent suggestions of the possible resumption of nuclear weapon testing. Any such step would undermine the CTBT and risk igniting an arms race. We call on all states to uphold the testing monorium and bring the CTBT into force without further delay. We are equally concerned by the integration of artificial intelligence into nuclear command, control, and communication systems. Meaningful human control over nuclear weapons must be maintained at all times. We reiterate that nuclear risk reduction measures, while important, must not become a substitute for Article 6. Until all nuclear weapons are eliminated, we call for the early conclusion of a universal legally binding instrument on negative security assurances to all non nuclear weapon states. Mr. Chair, Sri Lanka has long championed nuclear weapon-free zones, including bringing the proposal for an Indian Ocean zone of peace to the General Assembly in 1971. We reaffirm our strong support for the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons and all weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. Sri Lanka firmly believes that IAEA safeguarded nuclear facilities must never be subjected to armed attack. Any attack on such facilities undermines the credibility of both the NPT and the safeguards regime. At a time of such acute regional strife, the case for this zone has never been more urgent. Sri Lanka reaffirms the inalienable right of all states' parties to the peaceful use of nuclear energy without discrimination. We call on states with advanced capabilities to strengthen technical cooperation through the IAEA, ensuring that developing countries can utilize these technologies for health, agriculture, and sustainable development. Mr. Chair, the NPT is an agreement built on the assurance of complete disarmament. We remain convinced that this promise must be fulfilled. Sri Lanka stands ready to engage constructively towards an outcome that advances the cause of a world free of nuclear weapons. for this generation and for those that will follow. I thank you.
Excellency. Mr. President, Dang Viet Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the Sultanate of Oman extends to you, the Friend Republic of Vietnam. Our sincere congratulations on your election as president of this conference. We affirm our full support for your efforts to guide our the our work towards consensus outcomes that enhance confidence in the NPT and contribute towards preserving the NPT status as the principal international legal framework in the field. The Sultanate of Oman associates itself with the statements delivered on behalf of the member states of the Gulf Corporation Council, the GCC, the Arab Group, and the non aligned movement. Oman stresses that maintaining the credibility and the sustainability of the treaty remains contingent upon the full and balanced and non selective implementation of its obligations in a manner that ensures the balanced application of all three pillars. The Sultanate of Oman and its positions. Is grounded in its firm commitment towards the principles of international law, the importance of multilateral action, and the need to address security challenges through dialogue and confidence-building measures. Here, the Sultanate of Oman believes that the continued challenges related to nuclear disarmament, in light of the limited progress achieved, this requires us to renew our emphasis on the existing legal commitments and to work on translating them on gradual and practical steps that would build confidence and support stability. Oman affirms that the continued development of nuclear arsenals and the growing role in security doctrines is a matter of concern and it calls for responsible and gradual approaches that would balance security considerations with international obligations. This should keep the ultimate objective of the complete elimination of nuclear weapons among the priorities of the international community, mister President. The Sultanate of Oman believes that enhancing the effectiveness of the non proliferation regime requires addressing the existing shortcomings. Foremost among them are the lack of the universality of this treaty. Therefore, we renew our call for all states that are not party to the NPT to accede to it as non nuclear weapon states and to place their nuclear facilities under the comprehensive safeguards system to contribute to confidence building and to reduce regional tensions. The Sultanate of Arman underscores the importance of preserving the technical and independent role of the IAEA so that it would be able to carry out its mandate in Accordance with professional standards and away from any considerations that may affect its neutrality. Furthermore, the Sultanate of Arman emphasizes that the peaceful uses of nuclear energy constitutes an inalienable right of state parties and an important element in supporting sustainable development. This requires strict international cooperation and the transfer of technology and knowledge so that we could ensure mutual benefit and with no restrictions exceeding the obligations that the NPT stipulates. The Sultanate of Oman attaches particular importance to the developments in the Middle East, and we believe that achieving lasting security and stability in the region requires a comprehensive approach in addressing the sources of tension. Foremost amongst them is the issue of weapons of mass destruction. Here the Sultanate of Oman reiterates the paramount importance of establishing a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. This is a strategic necessity to enhance regional security. We affirm that the 1995 resolution on the Middle East remains valid and binding until its objectives are met. The implementation of this resolution requires concerted efforts at the international and regional levels, including the sponsoring states and in coordination with the states of the region. Aman welcomes the progress achieved within the framework of the United Nations Conference on the establishment of this zone. And we affirm that as president of the seventh session of the conference, that we are committed to continuing this process in a spirit of consensus and through a gradual approach to create the favorable conditions for the engagement of all concerned and to reach agreed upon arrangements that would strengthen collective security in the region. Mr. President, the Sultanate of Arman emphasizes the need to avoid escalation in rhetoric or in practices related to nuclear weapons. This includes the threat of using nuclear weapons. Given the serious repercussions Of such actions on international peace and security. We call for strengthening efforts to reduce such risks through dialogue and through adherence to international law. The Sultanate of Oman also believes that rapid technological developments require close monitoring by the international community to ensure that they are used responsibly and in a manner that does not negatively affect strategic stability. Mr. President. Guided by its approach of balance and moderation, the Sultanate of Oman affirms that any progress here requires a realistic and gradual approach that is based on confidence building and enhanced consensus. We call for focusing on achieving practical results even in the interim to restore momentum to the NPT process. In closing, the Sultanate of Oman reiterates its commitment to working with all state parties and in a constructive spirit to support international efforts aimed at strengthening disarmament and on proliferation and achieving a world that is more safe and more stable. I thank you, Mr. President.
Excellency. Mr. President, Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen, we meet at what the Secretary General has called a and I quote grave moment for international peace and security. End of quote. That means during an unstable ceasefire in the Middle East and a severe proliferation crisis concerning Iran's nuclear activities, that means with Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine in its fifth year, and At a time of deep mistrust among major powers. The international order is facing historic challenges, and the nuclear order with the nuclear non-proliferation treaty at its core is no exception. But how much more dangerous would the world be without the NPT? Time and time again, the NPT has proven its value. It has been the vehicle for massive reductions of the world's biggest nuclear arsenals, and it has been essential in putting an end to nuclear testing. When Germany finally ratified the NPT in nineteen seventy-five, we did so after a hard fought debate and only after having concluded that our security interests were best served by joining a rules based framework of mutual restraint and collective deterrence. And this remains our position to this day. However, Our security environment today has changed dramatically. Russia's war of aggression and its hostile rhetoric has made NATO's credible deterrence posture even more necessary than ever, including its nuclear dimension in full compliance with the NPT. We support the United States' effort and ambition for an arms control agreement with Russia and China, precisely because our environment is extremely challenging. We cannot afford to abandon arms control, non-proliferation, and the perspective of nuclear disarmament. That is why Germany continues to work towards strengthening the NPT across all three of its pillars. Through the Stockholm Initiative and the Non Proliferation and Disarmament Initiative, we have worked towards nuclear risk reduction, transparency and verification, and have supported efforts to strengthen the review process. For more than two decades, Germany, as part of the E3, has worked to keep Iran's nuclear program within negotiated limits, with the International Atomic Energy Agency's monitoring and verification role as the indispensable backbone of that effort. At the same time, Iran's actions over the past years make clear what is at stake when an NPT state's party systematically disregards its safeguards obligations. Germany and its E3 partners remain committed to a diplomatic solution to this problem, but diplomacy requires a counterpart willing to meet its basic obligations. That means restoring full international atomic energy agencies access to all nuclear sites. Regarding North Korea, we join the international community in calling on it to dismantle its nuclear program and return to full compliance with its international obligations. Looking ahead, our task is clear. Not only must we preserve the treaty we have, we must also ensure that it remains fit for a new reality. Together with our partners, Germany is driving this effort, working to ensure that the NPD remains capable of responding to the risks created by artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and space technology while harnessing new technologies for modernizing arms control. Excellencies, we are under no illusion as to the scale of this challenge, but the history of this treaty gives us reason to persist. The NPT remains one of the most successful demonstrations of what an international agreement can accomplish. As we enter the 11th Review Conference, Germany calls upon all of us to honor these achievements. Thank you very much.
Thank you very much, Mr. President. Singapore congratulates you on your assumption of the presidency of the eleventh NPT Review Conference. We are very delighted that Vietnam, which is a fellow member of ASEAN, has taken on this very important role and responsibility. You can count on the full cooperation and support of my delegation. Mr President, the NPT remains the cornerstone of the global nuclear disarmament. And non-proliferation regime and the essential foundation for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. However, we are meeting at a time when the NPT is under unprecedented strain. The international security environment is deteriorating, compounded by a growing trust deficit between states and a preference to resort to force rather than to dialogue in order to resolve disputes. Repeated failures by consecutive REVCONs to deliver substantive outcomes have not only weakened confidence in the review process, but it has called into question the legitimacy and credibility of the NPT regime itself. This REVCON, Mr. President, under your leadership, must therefore go beyond a routine affirmation of long standing positions. It must restore confidence in the NPT, strengthen implementation across its three pillars. And demonstrate that the review process can still produce meaningful results. This requires sustained political will, compromise, and a commitment to tangible progress that translates into practical outcomes. With regard to the first pillar, on nuclear disarmament, the continued lack of progress has led to frustration and mistrust. The use of nuclear weapons is being invoked with greater frequency in strategic discourse. And nuclear deterrence is gaining renewed salience in security policy. I'll make the following points. First, nuclear weapon states must do more to demonstrate that they are taking their obligations under Article VI of the NPT seriously, including through time bound, transparent, irreversible, and verifiable reductions in nuclear arsenals. Singapore is concerned by the continued growth and modernization of nuclear arsenals. And the growing prominence of nuclear sabre rattling. Such troubling trends run counter to the broader objective of disarmament. Secondly, the entry into force of the CTBT remains long overdue. We reiterate our call on all states that have yet to do so, in particular the remaining Annex II states, to ratify the CTBT without delay. Singapore also supports the early commencement of negotiations on a non-discriminatory, multilateral, and effectively verifiable treaty. Banning the production of fecile material for use in nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices. Thirdly, Singapore supports the establishment of nuclear weapon free zones as practical building blocks towards a nuclear weapon free world. As a state party to the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty, or Shaunfess, as we call it in our region. Singapore reiterates the importance of ensuring all nuclear weapon states signing and ratifying the protocol to the Sean Fest Treaty without reservations and to provide prior written assurance of this commitment. We will continue to engage the nuclear weapon states to resolve outstanding issues in accordance with the objectives and principles of the treaty. We also welcome efforts aimed at establishing a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. With regard to the second pillar, the risk of nuclear proliferation continues to pose a serious challenge to international peace and security. Strengthening the nuclear nonproliferation regime will require collective effort, heightened vigilance, and renewed determination. In this regard, let me make a few points. First, Singapore reaffirms the central role of the IAEA in the verification and monitoring of safeguards and in supporting the broader non proliferation regime. We call on all NPT states parties that have not yet done so to conclude an IAEA comprehensive safeguards agreement and the additional protocol and to implement them without delay. Second, all states parties with a comprehensive safeguards agreement and additional protocol in force with the IAEA must comply with their safeguards obligations. Notwithstanding the ongoing conflict in the Persian Gulf, Iran's obligations remain legally binding. And cannot be derogated from or subject to political demands beyond the scope of its CSA. Singapore also remains gravely concerned by the DPRK's continued development of its nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs. We urge the DPRK to cease all provocative actions, return to the NPT, and fully comply with all its international obligations and UN Security Council resolutions. Thirdly, Singapore underscores the need for a robust international export control regime to guard against illicit trafficking without hampering legitimate trade and peaceful cooperation. As a global transshipment hub, Singapore maintains a robust export controls regime and fully implements all UNSC resolutions. With regard to the third pillar, Singapore supports the inalienable right of states to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We support the IAEA's efforts to help its member states, particularly developing and least developed countries, to access the peaceful applications of nuclear science and technology and advance development priorities through its technical cooperation program. For Singapore and Southeast Asia, nuclear safety remains a key priority as interest in nuclear energy grows in our region. The development of nuclear energy must be underpinned by the concomitant responsibility to develop a robust regional nuclear safety architecture. In July 2025, Singapore launched the Singapore Nuclear Research and Safety Institute to expand nuclear safety research and bolster national capabilities in understanding and assessing nuclear technologies to support the government's study of the potential development of nuclear power. We continue to engage the IAEA through ASEAN Tom and via the ASEAN IAEA practical arrangements, which will further strengthen regional cooperation on nuclear safety and security. In conclusion, Mr. President, please allow me to say and underline that the NPT remains indispensable to international peace and security, but its legitimacy and effectiveness cannot be taken for granted. If we are serious about preserving the integrity and relevance of the NPT, we must match reaffirmations of principle with pragmatic and concrete action across all three pillars. This REFCON must therefore send a clear signal that state parties remain committed to responsible and meaningful implementation of the treaty through a balanced and practical outcome that restores confidence in the review process. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. President. At the outset, allow me to congratulate you and the other members of the Bureau on your election. I also wish to commend you on your able leadership in the lead up to the conference. You can count on our full support and cooperation throughout this session. Myanmar aligns itself with the statements of NAM and ASEAN. Mr. President, the 11th Review Conference is taking place against the backdrop of the deteriorating security environment. From the erosions of the arms control architecture to nuclear rhetoric, increased salience of nuclear weapons in the military doctrine, horizontal and vertical proliferations, we are witnessing the highest level of nuclear risks since the Cold War. Such heightened risks are further compounded by emerging technologies, including the integration of AI in weapon systems. Nuclear weapons pose an existential threat to humanity, and a single use of nuclear weapons, whether by design or accident, will have catastrophic humanitarian and environmental consequences for current and future generations. Myanmar therefore reaffirms our position that the only granite against the use or threats of use of nuclear weapons is their total elimination. Mr. President, After nearly 60 years, the NPT remains the cornerstones of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferations. Restoring the credibility and integrity of the NPT at this critical juncture requires all of us to exercise maximum flexibility, constructed dialogue, and meaningful cooperation to avoid repeating the consecutive failures from past review conferences. At the same time, we stress the utmost importance of making tangible progress in the implementation of Article 6 and call upon nuclear weapon states to fulfill their obligations accordingly. Similarly, we underscore the need to pursue negotiations in good faith for a successful agreement after the expiration of the new START treaty. Mr. President, Myanmar attaches great importance to the universal adherence to the CTBT. And again calls upon all states that have not rectified it, especially the remaining Annex II states, to do without delay for its entry into force. Nyema is of the view that the TPNW complements the NPT and represents the rule of effective measures under Article 6. We also reiterate the need to resolve differences to commence negotiations on the FeSign Materials Catholic Treaty under the Conference on Disarmament. As a state party to the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty, Myanmar believes the establishment of nuclear weapon free zones in accordance with Article 7 can contribute to further strengthening global norms against nuclear weapons. On the issues of denenuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, Myanmar calls on the DPRK to abide by all relevant Security Council resolutions. Mr. President, Myanmar reaffirmed the inalienable right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy under Article 4. In this context, Myanmar emphasizes the strict compliance with the IAEA guidelines at every stage of the nuclear energy development to prevent any misuse of nuclear energy or technology by Malaysia's actors. Under the elected civilian government, Nyanmar ratified the Conventions on Nuclear Safety and the Convention on Physical Protections on Nuclear Materials in 2016, the CTBT in 2017, and signed the TPNW in 2018. Unfortunately, our plan to ratify the TPNW put the IAEA additional protocol into force and adhere to the modified small quantity protocol was disrupted by the illegal military coup. Against this backdrop, we are seriously concerned with the enhanced collaborations between the military hunter and a major nuclear weapon states on their so called nuclear power plan. Our concern has its merits. The military hunter that weaponized Jewel use item commits war crimes and crimes against humanity cannot be trusted to apply nuclear energy for exclusively peaceful purposes. The military hunter that concedes its past chemical weapons program cannot be trusted to demonstrate transparency and accountability in nuclear programs. The military hunter that violence the ACN's five-point consensus and relevant UN resolutions, including the Security Council Resolution 2669, cannot be trusted to comply with IAEA safeguards. The military hunter that undermines regional reputation, peace, and stability cannot be trusted as a credible partner in any nuclear cooperation. Simply put, military hunter their words, commitments, or actions can never be trusted. Therefore, any cooperation from the international community, including a nuclear energy program, should be extended to Myanmar only when the military dictatorship is ended, democracy is restored, and the military is under civilian oversight. Taking this opportunity, I appeal to all Member States to cut the flow of arms, weapons, jet fuel, other Jewish use items and related technologies to the military hunter to save the lives of the people of Myanmar. I thank you, Mr. President.
sir. In the name of God, the gracious and merciful, Mr. President. First of all, the delegation of my country aligns with the statement by the GCC, the decl the statement of the Arab Group, and I would like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on assuming the presidency of this review conference. You can rely on our support for your efforts. To ensure that the work of this conference is crowned with success at this critical juncture for the international system. We are deeply convinced, Mr. President, that thanks to your experience and your skill, you will be able to successfully conclude our work. Mr. President, the State of Kuwait reaffirms its positions of principle, its long standing positions on disarmament and nuclear non proliferation. And this on the basis of our conviction that the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty is the cornerstone of the international regime in this area. At the same time, we very much regret the fact that review conferences have not been able to achieve consensus outcomes, which undermines the credibility of the NPT and erodes confidence in this treaty. Nuclear weapons states must shoulder their responsibilities. We see an imbalance in the implementation of obligations, and we see a strengthening of nuclear arsenals. Contrary to Article Six, we reaffirm that nuclear disarmament is a legal obligation which requires concrete measures including clear and precise timelines. There is also a need to strengthen accountability, transparency, and to provide negative security assurances without conditions. For non-nuclear weapons states. Mr. President, the achievement of the goals of the NPT is inextricably linked to the regional security environment. The continuation of conflicts and tensions is something that undermines confidence and strengthens the arms race. Along the same lines, the state of Kuwait Condemns in the strongest possible terms the repeated and systematic attacks which have targeted our territory and the territory of the countries of the GCC and Jordan recently, since the twenty eighth of February 2026. These are attacks launched by a neighboring country, a brotherly Muslim country. I'm speaking about the Islamic Republic of Iran. There are also the armed and military militias which are um operated by Iran. This has led to an unprecedented escalation. These attacks have targeted uh vital infrastructure and civilian installations, including energy facilities and the International Airport of Kuwait, uh airports and residential districts, which has led to civilian casualties, including one child. Damage has also been inflicted upon us in an unjustifiable way. This is a flagrant violation of Kuwait's sovereignty and the sovereignty of the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council and Jordan. It is a violation of the United Nations Charter and international law, as well as a violation of the rules of good neighborliness. Mr. President, the State of Kuwait reaffirms the vital importance of implementing the 1995 resolution on the creation of a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. This resolution is an integral part of the resolutions that led to the indefinite uh extension of the NPT. We therefore fully support the Sultanate of Oman, which is guiding and presiding over the conference at present for the creation of this nuclear weapons free zone in the Middle East. We support the Sultanate of Oman. In its efforts to achieve a peace and security and regional and international stability. In this regard, we call upon the international community to shoulder its key responsibility. We call upon the international community to reiterate the importance for Israel, the occupying power, to adhere to the NPT. Israel must respect All of the provisions of international law. Mr. President, the State of Kuwait reaffirms the inalienable right of all countries to use and develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes in accordance with the provisions of the NPT. The role played by the IAEA must also be strengthened. It is the only specialized body specialized in control and verification. To conclude, Mr. President. This conference marks a critical juncture in the success of the NPT. The success of this conference requires a political will and commitment to implement all of the commitments under the NPT, far from double standards or selectivity. We hope that this conference will be crowned with success. And we hope that we will adopt a final document that includes concrete measures to restore confidence in the NPT. Thank you for your attention.
Verbatim from the transcript. A reply is identified from its own words, the Chair's grant, or its place in the right-of-reply sequence; delegations and addressees follow the transcript's attribution.